A Note on these Posts
In this post, I aim to condense some of the major moves made by Enrique Dussel in his book El humanismo helénico, with a nod toward the section on the Greeks in his later Para una de-strucción de la historia de la ética. I do so for two main reasons. Firstly, I am currently engaged in the process of writing a book on Dussel’s thought in relation to Modern Jewish Thought and questions of historicism and normativity. As such, this long running series of blog posts will help me to aggregate some of the basics of Dussel’s thinking that I will use in the project. I have never been great at taking notes when I read, preferring instead to write as I read and reread until I can almost remember verbatim what a given author has said; this is a version of that.
More constructively, and acutely, I want to offer a blog treatment of Dussel’s work in order to both advocate for a wider spread of his thinking regarding history, and also to demonstrate, perhaps contrary to remarks made by the philosopher and historian himself, that the Urzelle of la filosofía de la liberación was present already from the beginning of Dussel’s main works in the 1960s, beginning with El humanismo helénico, which was published in 1975, but written much earlier.

El humanismo helénico – Toward a Destrucción of the canon of an occidental Lebensform
I will begin with the end, the end that is of course already at the beginning of the thought that inspired Dussel to take up the task of a philosophical interpretation of the ‘ethical-mythical nucleus’ of ancient Greek society and thought.
The text itself is one part of an otherwise larger project to unpack the historical and philosophical foundations of the contemporary world generally, which is to say, more precisely, the world in which Latin American philosophers, social scientists and others found themselves working in the middle of the 20th century. In order to do this, Dussel notes, we must first lay bare the foundations [los cimientos] of the world, which we may, following latter remarks in Filosofía de la liberación, understand not as kosmos, but as the symbolic and ideological Lebenswelt, i.e. el mundo. In this sense, the project Dussel took up in El humanismo helénico is a first pass, of sorts, in what would become the larger project of undermining a seemingly, intractably presupposed eurocentrismo that conditioned the narrative repetition of the same in the historical recounting of ancient Greek thought as ‘the birth of philosophy’ proper.
Yet, one may ask, why begin with the Greeks if the goal is to both understand Latin America and to undermine the Eurocentric interpretation of modernity? If the goal is to understand the reality of Latin America (at least as it was in the 1960s) in contradistinction to the hegemonic position of the concept (and thus the socio-geo-political reality) of Europe, why repeat the well-worn appeal to Greece as the fount of culture? Is this not a counterproductive move?
Dussel’s response to this question says a lot about the nature of this specific project, and in retrospect of his later work, of the nature of the philosophy of liberation overall. Up front, and also in the epilogue to the text, Dussel notes that this task of a historical Destruktion of the world-system (the concept of a world-system per se does not appear in the text, but given his use of this framework following Wallerstein and others later on, in a way that meshes with the earlier work, it is appropriate to avail myself it here) requires that we unearth certain aspects of our historical consciousness, expose them to the light of critical judgment, or interpretation, so as to set ourselves on the path to ‘see’ who we are today with fresh eyes. It is this sense of de-strucción that Dussel never really abandons, even in the later work.
Insofar as this is how Dussel frames the historical task of his work on Hellenic humanism, he is not far from where he would land in later works with regard to the concept of Destruktion, the concept that Martin Heidegger used in his 1927 Sein und Zeit to describe a critical engagement with ‘the tradition’ of western thought so as to produce anew an interpretation of what remained ‘unthought’ within our received wisdom. Indeed, not long after commencing the trilogy on los humanismos, Dussel was to write two books that would engage in just such a destruction of the canon – i.e. Método para una filosofía de la liberación (1973) and Para una destrucción de historia de la ética, tomo I (1970). Both texts were written on the basis of earlier investigations and courses taught by Dussel at the University of Cuyo in Argentina, and thus, overlap but follow on the tail end of Dussel’s earlier work on the humanismos trilogy.
A telling description of his understanding of the concept of destruction is found in the 1970 book on ethics, wherein he notes that the task of knowing where to go next requires that one understands where one understands oneself to have been, the past being, as a condition of the present, ‘that which is forgotten’ (en busca de lo olvidado),[1] which, we may say, precisely as a Nichts in the constellation of what-is thought, ‘is’ only as ‘un’- thought (remember, of course, that being is correlated with thinking, which is to say, that non-being is that which is not thought). It is this same idea that one encounters in a slightly less Heideggerian register in El humanismo helénico as the hermeneutic motor that drives the investigation into the ethical-mythical-nucleus of ancient Greek thought and life. In response to the question, why ancient Greece and why now?, Dussel writes, “in order to really comprehend the structure of the human that is constructed in history, it is necessary to begin with the foundations, so as to, in the end, decipher the meaning of our present. Somebody is an adult when they attain reflexive consciousness of their own collective and historical existence. In this case, consciousness will [actually, thus] precede history, orienting it [precederá a la historia, orientándola].”[2]
That consciousness would somehow ‘lead’ history within the context of the admission that the attainment of intellectual and ethical maturity is the reflective posture vis-à-vis one’s historical Existenz is, perhaps, a counterintuitive idea; for how are we to say that consciousness leads the construction of a historical Weltbild if history itself is taken to be the context in which we might understand and speak of consciousness at all? On this point, Dussel refers us to Merleau-Ponty’s La structure du comportement (1942), from which Dussel notes that while history might, prima facie, appear as an object to consciousness, i.e. as something preexisting said consciousness (i.e. where history appears as the direct object to the indirect object [dative subject] called consciousness in a mode of a nachträglich reflection), in reality, history is only the result of the auto-constitution of humane consciousness. This is to say that while history refers to something that enframes the singular sense of selves, that refers to the contingent structural make-up of the self (i.e. history precedes and thus makes individuals who they are), in reality, au fond, there is always a sense we have of history as secondary to the perennially humane (i.e. to the species called homo sapiens), and thus, we are able to interpret history anew so as to continually, critically refine our understanding of collective and individual selves.[3]
This idea can be further clarified, I believe, with reference again to Para una de-strucción de la historia de la ética. If history both precedes individuals and is only derivative in relation to the perennial structures of humane consciousness, then the task becomes double-edged, i.e. for us to appropriate history as it is given as an object ‘before’ us with an eye toward unearthing those hitherto obfuscated dimensions of human being itself, a question of, “an ontological ethic [una ética ontológica] (ethica perennis) whose history is forged in the obscure spring of given philosophical ethics, which were only but the determined thought beginning with and about concrete êthos…”[4]
At bottom, then, underneath the particularities of history, underpinning the concrétude of a given êthos, there are certain universal, even perennial (gasp), structures [estructuras intencionales, Verfassungen][5] that remain, precisely because ‘in the ground,’ hidden by way of the concreteness of a given ethos. “Struo in Latin means to join, crowd, accumulate, and lump together. For this reason, de-struir is a disentangling or un-wedding, a clearing, but not simply a ruining.”[6] The negative task of rereading the tradition against itself is also, thus, the creative task of setting loose those unthought, presupposed, elements of human being, of clarifying them through the interrogation of the ideologies founded thereupon, a point Dussel reinforced with the following citation from Sein und Zeit. “The de-struction of history ‘is not a negation of history, but rather an appropriation and transformation of that which has been transmitted by the tradition. The appropriation of history is that to which is alluded with the name of de-strucción.”[7]
More precisely, this appropriation has to do with the unearthing of those core, pre-philosophical, structures of consciousness, where this denotes not merely theory, but what, perhaps, Rahel Jaeggi would call a Lebensform. That is, the appropriation of history Dussel was after was the comprehension of the total thought/life/practice constellation as given in preserved reflections thereupon – i.e. cultural artefacts and texts, which are not limited to philosophy, because culture in some ways reflects more directly this constellation.[8] Likewise, at a somewhat more basic level, Dussel maintains that etymology and concepts – seen through a the sort of comparative lens that today many (incorrectly, because indefensible logically and historically) would find ‘reductive’ – offer a further window into the operative ‘intentional structures’ that shape this overarching ethica-mythical nucleus of the ancient Greeks, a term drawn from Paul Ricœur’s La symbolique de Mal [1960].
The Ethical-Mythical-Nucleus of the Greeks: Theology as Discourse on the Real
In particular, Dussel draws upon current (at the time) historical, evolutionary-anthropological, and religious studies sources to compile a rough sketch of a generally dualist Indo-European cosmology, anthropology and ontology that is monist au fond, but dualist with regard to its understanding of human life (i.e. experience, finitude) vis-à-vis the infinitely One. This is obviously a large statement, with many intricacies left to the side in order to make explicit the most basic points regarding this particular comportment toward the world by way of the exegesis of anthropological and archeological records.
More precisely, Dussel writes after establishing these basic points, the goal of the text is to locate the ancient Greek ethical-mythical nucleus by focusing on the construction of a concept of the ‘common good’ [el bien común] in ancient Greek art, thought and life. This is, according to Dussel (once we have learned to ‘see’ Hellenism per se), more of a goal that the Greeks sought than something realized, given that the presupposition of such a notion entailed a metaphysics of oneness, which could, at the level of the Greek’s Existenz (ontology), only be ‘sought’ from the perspective of multiplicity, malleability, disunity or ‘becoming.’ It is for these reasons that this idea is a ‘tragic’ idea, for how can one ever escape what Reiner Schürmann, following Hannah Arendt’s language, would call the ‘undertow of mortality?’ “La «mítica», el contenido ético-ritual del pueblo griego, es trágico. Reina la «Necesidad»…La negatividad de la materia y el cuerpo, la eternidad de la «Realidad» y el devenir cíclico de lo contingente, el Monismo divino informa toda la obra de esa comunidad de la península balcánica.” [9]
The goal of the text is, thus, to situate the reader, the reader who is perhaps accustomed to beginning any discussion of Greek philosophy in particular with the Meletian school(s) of thought, in a larger, religious and political context. This will be a context that is both unfamiliar to the 20th (and now 21st) century reader, but also eerily familiar; namely, the context of an onto-epistemic crisis, a crisis of identity and faith. Faith in what, though? Faith in the aforementioned belief in what Hegel might call a rational Leitung, or orientation to the world, and thus, belief in one’s ultimate coherence, place, or belonging to some sense of ‘the real.’ Dussel cites Werner Jaeger’s work Humanism and Theology (Dussel cites the French translation) on this point.
“When Plato and Aristotle, following Socrates, reestablished the divine as the supreme principle of the natural and social order, they were not seeking to return to a mythological state, but rather, they sought [entendían así redescubrir] to rediscover the secret and inconceivable reality that the religion, in its primitive (sic.) state, had symbolized under the form of myths. And this reality, which the religion had called theos, they understood and expressed by way of reason, or in Greek, by logos. The result of this effort of thought is called theology.”[10]
Theology does not mean, here, the specific discourse concerning a person called God, but more accurately, according to Jaeger’s (and then Dussel’s) reading, something like a theory of unity that should be recognized as underlaying any particular or singular sense of the self, others, and the world. Theology is thus a discourse on ‘the real’ [existencia «real»],[11] a notion that for Dussel, following one of his philosophy professors at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid, means ‘that which founds the correlation between thinking and being,’ that which must be One underneath the dyad/Geltungsbereich of consciousness and objects, subjectivity (i.e. dativity) and objectivity (i.e. givenness, donation).
Where the skeptics are read as an indication of a corruption of this notion of an underlying unity, of an absolutely ‘real’ dimension of what we call ‘reality,’ the advent of philosophy proper is seen by Dussel as a occasioning an attempt to square the circle, so to speak, of a problem not unlike the one that seems to consistently rattle so many allegedly ‘critical’ academics today – i.e. the divide between the sense we have of the contingency of the production of concepts and knowledge and the perhaps ignored sense that contingency is always contingency ‘upon’ some-thing, e.g. a unified (not to say ‘undynamic’) real.
The Hellenic Lebensform: A Set of Intractable Dualisms
Yet no sooner has Dussel said this, than he notes the real problem that was already there from the beginning, at the bottom of this Hellenic ethical-mythical-nucleus. This is the problem of how to actually square the aforementioned circle without dissipating the singular character of our sense of contingent being and life, a problem that manifests metaphysically a as the hard distinction between the Good (and aspects of being-itself) and singular beings, and politically in the bifurcation between public life and the individualizing conception of knowledge as wisdom or gnosis of that which is transcendent. Adelantando una conclusión, esa trascendencia es alcanzada como felicidad solitaria (solitaria bonitas), fuera y por encima de la sociedad corruptible, política.[12]
In the end, the sophists and the philosophers inhabit this same dilemma; their division is a matter of which side of the divide they choose to privilege. The Sophists represent a negation of the erasure of … In either case, there is ultimately a negation of what we would now call, for better or worse, history. In this sense, Dussel notes that the Hellenic ethical-mythical nucleus is one in which there seemingly is no sense of historicity [historicidad],[13] though more accurately, Dussel notes, it is one in which historicity is seen as a negative element of humane being in the world, an element that ought not be taken as ‘real’ vis-à-vis that which is absolute and eternal.[14]
Again, this is a tragic system of life because dualist at its core. In short, the outworking of Greek philosophy as we know it was always the result of a tarrying with this basic dualism, i.e. the experience of contingency and the desire to dissipate said contingency in some form of the absolute, be this the reconciliation of opposition or the resolution of singularity into the eternal flux of primordial chaos.[15]
Avant la lettre, then, with regard to Reiner Schürmann’s increasingly celebrated critique of hegemonic principles, Dussel anchors our understanding of ancient Greek philosophy in this basically existential-political-religious opposition between the desire for stability and the experience of instability, concluding that the desire for the absolute cannot be had without reference to the singular, whilst the desire to safeguard the singularity of the phenomena of the world can only be had though the destruction of the same in reference to the absolute (Aristotle becomes at the end of the book the exemplary figure of this tragic outcome). The unification in Plato and Aristotle of theoretical and practical reason, where these are distinguished within the unified understanding of the soul’s intellectual connection and proper order in relation to the Good, speaks to this issue. The singularity of each person is salvaged insofar as it is destroyed in the perpetual teleological desire for the origin, for the good itself, the source of givenness and rectitude.
Politically, this tragedy is mirrored in the positing of Greek culture itself as the location of the properly humane, i.e. as a member of the Greek polis. “El bien de la ciudad, que el político promueve por las actividades reguladas por la prudencia, es el mayor bien de la especie humana; bien despótico de los hombres libres.”[16] The ‘common good,’ it turns out, was only common with regard to one particular group, and thus, because requiring the exclusion of the non-Greek, a fractured concept. Where metaphysically the reference to an absolute destroys the singularity of each being in its Existenz, so too are the Greeks caught in the bind of proposing a universal politics that nonetheless requires the exclusion the non-Greek, the barbarian, in order to safeguard the location of the universally true within the concept of Greek culture itself.[17] In this sense, the Greek notion of the common good is what Dussel will simply call a ‘pretense to universality,’ or a ‘absolutization of the relative’ rather than a true universal, which would require the effacement of such a reified identity, and thus, which would entail the breaking of the Hellenic ethical-mythical nucleus itself. Aristotle goes as far as anybody could in thinking a quasi-cosmopolitan notion of this common good without fundamentally altering the Hellenic ethical mythical nucleus; Alexander the Great, in extending citizenship beyond the confines of Greek culture and religion, would break it.
Indeed, in the end, there will only have been tragedy within what is properly, classically, Hellenic. Dussel concludes that the Hellenic ethical-mythical nucleus was never able to successfully render or resolve this dualist understanding of reality and life, which means it was never able to resolve its political need to universalize its own particularity, which is to say its own ethnocentrism. Aristotle comes close with his understanding of the human being as essentially unfinished, with the wedding of ethics and ontology and stratified political categories that seemed to allow for the positing of a sort of cosmopolitan vision. Yet, in the end, Aristotle too relies on the distinctions between slave and citizen, Greek and barbarian, and his cosmopolitan vision is heavily qualified with the locating of true human being, political being, in Greek culture itself.[18]
After working his way through various Greek cultural productions, pre-Socratic, Platonic and Aristotelian philosophies, Dussel arrives at the breaking point of this nucleus, which is to say that Dussel arrives at the point at which this nucleus actually fulfills its ideals. With Alexander the Great, the universal cosmovision overtakes the particularity of the ethical-mythical nucleus of Greek culture precisely though the true universalization of it, i.e. through the extension of citizenship beyond the confines of the Greek political-theological (ontological) hierarchy. “La pequeña ciudad griega ha crecido hasta dar como fruto la ciudad ecuménica. Esta universalización produce, por una parte, la ruina de la ciudad griega, y por otra, en cambio, permite un profundo individualismo por el debilitamiento de los vínculos exigentes de la comunidad político-religiosa.”[19]
In the end, then, the entire swing of Hellenization can be read as the tragic constitution of the ethical-mythical nucleus that gave rise to this world-historical phenomenon. In extending Hellenic culture to the known world, Alexander breaks the ethical-mythical nucleus upon which Hellenic ‘culture’ as such is founded. This is to say that with the advent of a true cosmopolitanism, then, the religious and metaphysical exclusivity of the ancient Greeks is broken. The triumph of the Greeks is, in fact, their defeat.
El pensamiento griego & Us
What then are we to make of Dussel’s specific remarks concerning ancient Greek thought and life, in light of this operative notion of destruction-as-appropriation [of history]? The operative idea behind the aforementioned notion of destruction is that there is something universal underpinning the particular. Yet, it is clear that the task of appropriation as a means of arriving at that universal is always a matter of tarrying with the particular, which is to say, with what has been given to us [lo político, social y filosófico como lo dado, le donné]. Dussel frames his specific Investigations in El humanismo helénico around just this point and contained therein is an important point that conditions the whole of his later historical writing. This point can be summarized as follows.
We exist today in the wake of the aforementioned, i.e. the intra-Greek fight over particularity and universality, the exclusive priority of the Greek citizen vis-à-vis the claim to universal knowledge. Already, here, we see the problem that Dussel will take up later in his work. The goal of the de-strucción of the Hellenic ethical-mythical nucleus is not to simply shame an entire culture for its ethnocentrism, though to be sure Dussel is not happy about it, but rather to expose how these intentional structures have been sublated, incorporated anew and in changed form, within our lifeworld. Our repetitions of these same tensions are, to be sure, novel repetitions; we are not the ancient Greeks and yet, we would not be who we are, culturally and thus intellectually speaking, without them.
The goal, as always, will be to learn from them, to learn from the tragic constitution of this particular way of navigating the tension between the universal and singular, rather than to simply condemn and retreat into our own versions of the sophist-philosophy divide. What Dussel will later call trans-modernity and the material principle can be seen as the outworking of the ideas first developed in the trilogy on Hellenic, Semitic and Christian humanisms.
[1] Enrique Dussel. Para una de-strucción de la historia de la ética. Tomo I. Buenos Aires: Editorial Ser y Tiempo, 1970. p. 5-6.
[2] Enrique Dussel. El humanismo helénico. Buenos Aires: EUBA, 1975. p. 91.
[3] Ibid. p. 92. “En el primer caso, la historia es mirada como desde fuera, aprendida, tomada como ya construida por otro. En el segundo, la conciencia está en la base de la evolución: la historia es un fruto de la conciencia.”
[4] Enrique Dussel. Para una de-strucción de la historia de la ética. p. 5-6.
[5] Enrique Dussel. El humanismo helénico. p. x.
[6] Para una de-strucción de la historia de la ética. p. 6.
[7] Ibidem. Dussel cites Martin Heidegger. Sein und Zeit. §6.
[8] Ibid. p. 21.
[9] Enrique Dussel. El humanismo helénico. p. 34-36.
[10] Ibid. p. 37.
[11] Ibid. p. 37.
[12] Ibid. p. 43. Cf. p. 59.
[13] Ibid. p. 62.
[14] Ibid. p. 63.
[15] Ibid. p. 65.
[16] Ibid. p. 91.
[17] Ibid. entire last chapter.
[18] Ibid. p. 127-133.
[19] Ibid. p. 134.




